Analysis of Herodotus: Book Two

Herodotus quickly moves from the failure of Cyrus to beat the Massagetae to Egypt. His justification for his study of Egypt is vague and amounts to the interest he has in the artifacts and monuments found here; a justification applicable to any of the civilizations he has previously digressed on. I intend to discuss several motivations Herodotus had and the observations that can be made about this part of his history.

Ancient Egypt

Why Egypt?

Going beyond Herodotus’ stated motivation for describing the history of Egypt, one which I have already argued is tenuous, it seems that there are multiple possibilities. His history is fundamentally an ‘inquiry’ and therefore Egypt arguably fits into this description perfectly due to its age and status as the eldest civilization. He starts by tracing the language back and relating an anecdote about Psammetichus and how this proves that the Egyptians were the oldest group of humans in existence.

On another level, Egypt does seem to be a natural subject due to its unique placement in the world. Herodotus notes many cultural and religious differences to other nations, such as the practice of circumcision and priests shaving their bodies. These clearly were aspects of societies which fascinated him since his description of visiting various temples is evidence of his devotion to understanding the people.

Similarly, the presence of monuments and artifacts is significant to Egypt in particular. The pyramids, which he speculates on their design and construction, and the building of dikes and labyrinths would be intriguing to the any visitor of the ancient world. However, Herodotus was not just the inquisitive Greek, as stated previously, his work has a clear logical construction to it. Therefore this does not appear to be the only reason for this divergence.

Though through Amasis the reader returns to the conquests of the Persians, I will argue there are deeper points Herodotus is indicating the reader towards: primarily, the connections and contrasts between Greece and Egypt.



Egypt and Greece

Being a Greek means that Herodotus will analyse his observations from the viewpoint of a Greek. This is not to say, as some do, that Herodotus was a cultural absolutist who was critical or anti-Easterners. On the contrary, many of his observations point to the faults that the Greeks had.

Beginning with the similarities between the two countries the reader learns of the class system that the Greeks, particularly the Lacedaemonians, adopted from the Egyptians. This involved the denigration of the artisan classes in both societies. Though the Greek rule, even in tyrannical Greek countries such as Corinth, was significantly different it does point to an interesting similarity. This is especially since class is defined by the socio-economic conditions; something known to be different across the two countries since under Sesostris the Egyptians colonized further afield.

Furthermore, a direct connection between Athens and Egypt is established through Solon, one of the most important legislators in Athenians history. Solon took a law from the Egyptians about the declaration of income to a governor with refusal punished by death. Herodotus praises the law’s longevity (calling it an ‘excellent law’) providing greater evidence for the influence of Egypt as one of the first civilized nations in the world. I will note now that Herodotus is showing that Greek society was less insular than it may appear under the control of Cyrus and Croesus; it had developed a fluid relationship with other parts of the world. This will contrast with later Books in which Athens and Sparta develop in their own ways to combat the Persians.

Herodotus also relates a myth which the Greeks held dear about Heracles being taken to the alter in Egypt but turning on his captors and killing hundreds of them. Herodotus is mocking of the Greeks for believing it- he points out the rather obvious issue that one man cannot kill hundreds and that Heracles was a man thus would not be sacrificed as an animal (since he observes that the Egyptians would only kill certain animals). However, the nature of the story, a Greek hero nearly sacrificed like an animal, does reveal an archaic, almost barbaric attitude the Greeks could have about outsiders. Thus Herodotus is not revealing a bias in himself, but the attitude of Greeks.

In using Egypt Herodotus manages to highlight several aspects of Greek culture. His sources on this seem accurate; not only does he have the evidence he gleans from temples, priests and artifacts but he takes much of what he knows, as he relates to the reader, from Carian and Ionian colonies in Egypt. This not only shows that he was accurate and scientific in his records but that certain Greeks were becoming acquainted with the outside world.

Heracles challenging the Egyptians, recorded on a Greek vase.

Nature and Egypt

Much of the first part of the Book is taken up with a lengthy description of the Nile. It serves its purpose in putting Egypt as a place into context and therefore is important to the Ancient audience. In addition, this reveals the close proximity to Ethiopia (see above map) and the Ammonians which becomes relevant in Cambyses conquests in Book 3. However, nature as a theme across Herodotus’ work does have a more relevant role particularly in examining how it is controlled by humans.

The first King of Egypt that Herodotus recalls, and possibly the very first king, was Menes. His greatest achievement was to build dikes and therefore create a land in which Memphis could be built. Therefore the diversion of nature and construction of the city was important. This is not considered a revolutionary observation, particularly in a post-anthropological modern context. We often define ourselves as humans by our civilization’s domination of nature. However, in a time of superstition, which Herodotus confirms as being true, when Gods and kings blended together this was a scientific and objective observation.

Later, King Necho is attributed as being the architect of a plan to build a canal in the Red Sea. Despite killing 120,000 of his people, an ambitious number, he allegedly is told that he is doing the work of the invader for him by a god. This cannot not be a self indulgent embellishment on Herodotus’ part since he knows that Darius will attempt this same task in the future. Its inclusion could possibly be a suggestion that the reader remember that the Persians are still a threat to the Egyptians.

On the other hand, I prefer to read this as Herodotus proving that history is progress, which means that it will be gradual and incremental. Unlike his successor, Thucydides, he recognizes change as being forward looking (technologically, economically, imperially and democratically)- whilst similar events of bloodshed happen in both texts- their presentation by Herodotus connotes progress over the regress in events such as the Revolt at Corcyra in Thucydides.

Memphis, Egypt.jpg






Alexander, Helen and Proteus

Herodotus briefly relates his small revision to Homer’s epic The Iliad. By his version of events, Alexander/Paris bought Helen with him to Egypt in the time of Proteus. It follows that this led to Menelaus coming to the land. Herodotus argues that this was a sensible revision of the tale since he argues that Priam would not possibly have had Helen stay in Troy whilst his sons died to protect it.

This small divergence by Herodotus tells the reader two things. Firstly, that Herodotus is trying to overcome the Greek cultural perspective on history by challenging its highest authority: Homer. Secondly, this proves that he should be viewed more closely as an objective historian. Whilst I never finished The Iliad and I know less about the historical accuracy of the Trojan War, we see Herodotus engage with historical events with a criteria of reason and logic; he refuses to bow to the accepted version of the Greeks.


An initial reading of Book Two can leave the reader questioning Herodotus’ credibility: lengthy descriptions of rivers, thieves outwitting kings, shaven priests and ritual formalities can be tedious. However, this analysis has shown not only that Herodotus establishes a substantiated approach to history but that he could write history purposefully and overcome dogma and superstitious tradition.




An Analysis of Herodotus: Book One

As mentioned in my previous blog post, in reviewing my reading of Herodotus I am attempting to find purpose and understand the way in which his work has been written. I plan on finishing this series with posts centered around other historians’ analysis of Herodotus so as to reach an informed conclusion.

The translation of Herodotus I will be using.

Book One has three key elements I will discuss in this analysis: the introduction, Herodotus’ method and his structure.

The Introduction

Herodotus gives us his reason in beginning his ‘research’ with the abduction of Io and Europa as being that these events explain the divide between Persia and Greece. There are two cursory notes I would like to add to this. Firstly, this introduction is mimicked by Thucydides in his ‘Archaeology’. This is shown in the use of the introduction to create the dichotomy between the warring countries of both histories; Thucydides makes use of the Archaeology to distinguish between Athens and Sparta. Secondly, both introductions allude to the importance of the Trojan War. Explanations of Thucydides’ motive for this is that he wanted to prove the importance of the Peloponnesian War. However, Herodotus’ motive remains less clear. It could be that he wanted to similarly draw importance to the Persian Wars by including the Trojan War and thus have had a similar motive to Thucydides. Alternatively, its placement can be explained by the cultural relevance of the Trojan War, due to Homer’s poems, and therefore it was alluded to interest the readers who would have been familiar with them.

Herodotus’ method

Book One provides the fully formed method of Herodotus: his inclusion of the actions of gods and myths are just some examples. Some of his most famous stories are recounted here such as Arion escaping death by riding on a dolphin. However, more interesting methods of investigation are used from the beginning of Book One. For example, Herodotus provides evidence of Croesus’ appeal to the Oracles at Delphi by gifts sent to them which he then lists and provides descriptions of. Not only do these accounts provide insight into the culture of the Lydians and Greeks but they also substantiate the implied thesis that Croesus was arrogant and his downfall was caused by this. Something else that should be noted is that this is a clear instance of when Herodotus must be contextualized: the reference to these objects must be seen in the light of people being able to visit Delphi and see these objects in detail. This begins to give an insight into the multi-faceted audience Herodotus wrote for since their inclusion could reveal a skeptic audience who would not take his claims at face value.

The reader begins to see several of Herodotus’ observations on the culture. His examples include the marriage markets of Babylon, their peculiar method of curing disease and wounds by taking somebody to the marketplace and waiting for a skilled person to provide aid and the Persian practice of adopting other culture’s practices. These observations have two purposes. Firstly, they legitimize his history by providing evidence of his first hand experience with other people and sources. Secondly, they inform us of an understanding of what motivates cultures. The Persian practice of wearing other race’s clothes and taking practices would suggest the existential need to invade and capitalize on other parts of Asia and Greece- this interpretation seems legitimate due to the anecdote of Cyrus presenting the Persians with luxury and then their realization that they must be dominant over the Medes.

Herodotus’ cultural observations are also interesting in another way. Many of them in Book One center around the role of women in society: the Babylonian marriage market and the practice of sleeping with men in the temple of Aphrodite. Herodotus denotes these practices as ‘vile’, perhaps leading to the interpretation that Herodotus’ purpose was to present the clash of civilizations (a claim made false by his portrayal of the nomadic tribes). There is one simple reason as to why these observations are interesting and that is due to their absence in Thucydides. What we learn from Herodotus therefore is that the role of women in the ancient world was far greater than the world Thucydides depicts.

Croesus on the pyre

As aforementioned, Book One provides instances of the divine intervention by the Gods. Herodotus recounts how Croesus was saved by thunder called upon by the Gods and thus is crematory fire was extinguished. This is hard to reconcile with the idea that Herodotus had a greater purpose in writing the history and that he was more than a superstitious, myth-maker. The rational explanation would be that Cyrus changed his mind about burning Croesus alive and decided to rescue him- an interpretation supported by Cyrus’s later appraisal for Croesus’s wisdom, suggesting that he had seen something in the Lydian from the beginning. If a rational explanation can be applied, why include the intervention of the divine? This could be a faithful obedience to the sources which Herodotus had on the event. Though this is plausible my discussion of his structure and purpose, I hope will reveal that the inclusion of the divine intervention is meaningful.

Structure and Purpose

Herodotus’ work is not a rambling but a thoughtful and purposeful construction. There are several instances in which the way he structured his history make this readily apparent.

Book One focuses on the rise and fall of the Lydian Empire, the rise of the Persian Empire and the death of Cyrus as well as the fate of the Greeks. Using the Greek ideas of hubris and virtue contextualizes Herodotus and shows how this is evidence of a structure which points to a greater purpose. The Lydian Empire is acquired by Gyges and his descendants through dishonorable means and the Lydians under Croesus soon become arrogant. One could argue here that Herodotus wanted the reader to see the primacy of the God’s power since Gyges’ descendants have ignored the curse placed on them for their treachery.

However, I think Herodotus is making a secular and rational argument about the rules of Empire. Croesus’ mistake ultimately comes about because he ignores the deeper meaning of the Oracle of Delphi’s riddle, a fact Herodotus makes very clear. Furthermore, Herodotus further emphasizes Croesus’s hubris through the dialogue with Solon. Solon posits that no state can entirely provide virtue and that Croesus’ wealth and empire does not make him the happiest man alive. Instead, Solon shows his wisdom by pointing to the randomness of history and the role of chance, therefore revealing that luck plays a role in the happiness of the individual. Croesus’s hubris is to ignore this advice and to turn his anger on Solon. It is only after Croesus is about to die does he fully understand Solon’s message and therefore the error of his ways. As a side note, it is interesting that Solon is travelling away from Athens so as to preserve his reforms of the constitution at a time in which the Athenians give in to the tyranny of the Pisistratus- perhaps a subtle recognition of the Athenians’ own tendency to ignore wisdom.

solon before croesus.jpg
Solon goes before Croesus

So what does the reader learn from the way that Herodotus has constructed his history? The reader begins to understand the pattern of civilizations of the ancient world. What becomes apparent is that greed and hubris lead to destruction and not greatness and power. Another reader could argue that the description of the rise of the Persia under Cyrus defies this pattern: Cyrus acts to conquer the entirety of Ionia (excluding Miletus) and half of Asia- something he succeeds in doing.

However, I believe the example of Cyrus further goes to show the obvious message Herodotus is trying to convey for three reasons. Firstly, the ascension of Cyrus is due to the failings of his grandfather, Astyages and his hubris in abusing Harpagus and Cyrus. This gives Harpagus reason to incite Cyrus to raise the Persians and defeat Astyages.

Secondly, Cyrus’ ambition does not serve him well. Though he conquers Babylon he is destroyed by the Massagetae. Herodotus describes how he believed that he was superior to other peoples since he had conquered so many and how he lusted after their kingdom. Furthermore, his cruelty he exhibits in slaughtering the Massagetae prince after tricking them into feasting (a part at which one must suspend disbelief- perhaps Herodotus intended some euphemism to mean that they betrayed them over a treaty) leads to his defeat in a battle against their queen.

Thirdly, though Cyrus is often seen as the template for the later Persian rulers there are two actions he commits which could be Herodotus drawing a parallel between him and Xerxes, the more obvious tyrant. Firstly, he tries to punish the Euphrates River when he initially does not cross it; an action paralleled by Xerxes by lashing the Hellespont thus showing an extreme level of arrogance since they both see themselves as above nature. Secondly, is his pursuit after a nomadic race attempting to conquer them. Darius would later repeat this action with a similar level of failure thus showing that Cyrus exhibited the arrogance and irrationality which later leaders would take further.

Cyrus the Great in battle

Anyone willing to defend these charges against Cyrus could cite his willingness to take advice from Croesus and therefore his temperate nature. Whilst Cyrus does make use of Croesus, to the Greek audience this would not necessarily have been met with such admiration since the Greeks despised indecision. In addition, he is not providing an example of a wise and temperate monarch since he has misplaced faith in his adviser- a man who spectacularly lost his military campaign. Cyrus is thus revealed to be superficial, another trait of Xerxes, since he clings to the superficial wisdom of Croesus instead of favoring his tried and tested strategic intellect.

Book One is Herodotus’ template for the growth and failure of empire, perhaps his major theme. This analysis has proved that his structure points to this purpose and this will be proved in the other posts that will be made.












Remembrance Sunday

It has been over four years since I studied the First World War in any meaningful detail. Apart from a lecture I attended at the LSE on the role of China and Japan in the War, I have given little thought to its significance.

Not thinking about the War is remiss of anyone: its impacts are still being felt today since it irrevocably changed our way of life and paved the way for the Second World War.

Having not given much thought to the intellectual discussions of the War, I instead sat down to listen to Ralph Vaughan Williams’s Pastoral Symphony. The title is misleading since it was written to reflect Williams’s own experiences of the First World War. The music weaves together an image of England before the War and the experiences of its people fighting in France. The First Movement portraying an idyllic, pastoral England with the Second Movement rising with loud horns and brass instruments perhaps conveying the magnitude of the War. The ending of the symphony with the melodic, yet quiet strings and choral accompaniment could be the mixture of relief and sorrow he felt at the closing of the War.

I am not trained in classical music theory and therefore these descriptions are my own personal response to hearing the music. Tom Service’s article in the Guardian on the symphony provides a detailed analysis of the music for anyone interested.

Ralph Vaughan Williams in 1915, (source: RVW Society)

Though I have not read any academic work on the First World War, I did gain an understanding of history through this symphony. All music, art and literature of the period shows the experience of the people who served; this is invaluable to the historian since one can gain from it the knowledge of what people felt during the War.

These feelings are of course relevant to understanding the past since this provides the perspective of those who actually participated in its events. Creative works of the time provide the same insight that letters of the period do, perhaps more so since censorship of music in particular would be an extraordinarily difficult task.

A.J.P. Taylor, on the unrelated topic of ‘dissent in foreign policy’, said that “Our task as historians is to make past conflicts live again; not to lament the verdict or to wish for a different one.” This idea of making history ‘live again’ is important I think to the understanding of history. How can one begin to understand a conflict from only the perspective of hindsight? The perspective that art provides is  thus invaluable.

I would like to end this piece with the painting The Last Message by Fortunino Matania. The painting is a work of beauty and shows the deeply emotional scene of the last words of a dying soldier to his comrade. The painting evokes a deep sorrow when viewed, an emotion which was felt by many of those in the trenches. It may not depict a historical event, though no doubt countless accounts bear similarity, but it does encapsulate truths about the period: the loss of a generation being the most important.

The Last Message by Fortunino Matania, 1917 (source: ARTUK)


An analysis of Herodotus: background



Last year I began reading around the subject of Greek history. I had realized that my knowledge of ancient history was somewhat impaired by having not studied it in any serious depth and decided to rectify this. I started by reading about the leaders of Athens, focusing on Pericles by reading the accounts by Thucydides and Plutarch on him. Whilst this was interesting I wanted to explore further how the Greeks shaped the study of history, an easier task than it sounds due to the first historians being Greek.

Naturally, I decided to begin with Herodotus, ‘the father of history’, as my starting point. I acquired a copy for Christmas and had finished the history by Easter. The history itself captivating; the accounts of Marathon and Thermopylae provide excitement whilst the words of Solon, Darius and Croesus make room for thinking about the history as an intellectual discussion.

Unfortunately, some of the romantic details of his work I had forgotten by summer, possibly due to the pressure of exam season. As a result, I listened to an audiobook to revise the details of this history. On my second visit to Herodotus’ world I began to see a more purposeful and subtle meaning to his record. In addition, I began noticing the similar themes and motifs that Herodotus shared with Thucydides (who I had time to fully read from April to June).

This is the context behind which I embark on my third reading of Herodotus and here are my thoughts, views and criticisms of his work. I will try to upload my analysis of each book as I read them.


On Shelley

Portrait by Alfred Clint

This evening I attended a lecture on Percy Bysshe Shelley and radicalism as part of the Stroud Literary Festival. The talk centered around his poetry’s connections with Atheism and liberalism, giving readings from England 1819, The Mask of Anarchy and Queen Mab. 

Having studied the early 19th Century as part of my A-Level course I had some understanding of the period in question. However, the talk provided an extended overview of the context the time: this was a period in which Cobbett and Godwin operated and radicalism fought against the oppressive measures of Liverpool’s government.

Unfortunately, I was left unimpressed with Shelley after this lecture. It is not the poetry itself which I am skeptical of, but his political and social tracts. Before this evening I was unaware that he had published a document called The Declaration of Rights. This was an immediate disappointment when I heard the first few clauses read aloud.

Shelley begins with ‘Government has no rights; it is a delegation from several individuals for the purpose of securing their own. It is therefore just, only so far as it exists by their consent, useful only so far as it operates to their well-being.’

The notion of ‘consent’ was an immediate signpost to Shelley’s influences of Locke and Paine. This was a disappointment because Paine’s own words on the matter fulfill this purpose. He already established in Common Sense the view that government should only receive its right to rule from the consent of others. As his title suggests, this is common sense and therefore for Shelley to be revered by modern audiences for this revised description does not reveal him to be a figure of interest.


Thomas Paine’s Common Sense   Published in 1776

This criticism may appear to be pedantic and uninspired: much of Shelley’s life was characterized by his radicalism and therefore his radical prose should be examined with equal weight. However, when a poet can write poems such as Art thou pale for weariness which have both aesthetic and philosophical value, the reader must question whether looking at Shelley as a radical, merely reduces him to a pale imitator.